Posted by By YINKA FABOWALE on
The Ides of March, for ancient Romans, was merely another everyday phraseology or common calendar terms, used to mark monthly lunar events. It was simply the standard way of saying March 15 in the Gregorian calendar. It did not necessarily evoke anything dark or sinister.
The Ides of March, for ancient Romans, was merely another everyday phraseology or common calendar terms, used to mark monthly lunar events. It was simply the standard way of saying March 15 in the Gregorian calendar. It did not necessarily evoke anything dark or sinister.
But the bloody assassination of the Roman Emperor, Julius Caesar on March 15, 44 B.C., has forever imbued that date with a sense of foreboding. It not only assumed a historical but also mythical relevance as superstition goes, as the late Emperor in Shakespeare's play was forewarned by a seer to 'Beware the Ides of March," the fateful day he was killed by conspirators including his close friend, Dennis Brutus.
The Ides of March assumed a whole new identity after the events of 44 B.C. The phrase came to represent a specific date of abrupt change that set off a ripple of repercussions throughout Roman society and beyond. It marked the day the plotters who would rather be called ‘liberators,' tried to eliminate somebody (Caesar), they rightly or wrongly perceived to be a threat to the Republican (political) system the Romans had long established.
Down on our shores, another Ides of March is here. March 15: The day that has been reserved for judgement in an appeal brought by Anambra State Govenor, Chris Ngige, challenging the decision of the Justice Garba Nabaruma-led Election Petition Tribunal, which said the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) candidate, Peter Obi, who contested the 2003 governorship elections with him should be occupying Ngige's seat.
Serious legal fireworks that lasted over two years had preceded Nabaruma's panel's ruling delivered on August 12, 2005, with Obi calling 47 witnesses to testify on alleged irregularities that characterised the polls, and Ngige calling 425 to puncture their testimonies.
In the end, the tribunal held that Obi won the majority votes and should have been declared winner.
Of course, Ngige promptly headed for the Appeal Court, the final arbiter in cases of disputed governorship election results, which began accelerated hearing of the case in January and fixed today for judgement.
And there lies the crux of the matter. Is it a mere coincidence that the date falls on March 15? What does the day portend for the political fortunes of the governor and Anambra State? Will it bring shame or triumph? Will it bring change that would upset the status quo? These questions will be determined in the next few hours.
But there is no doubt that the event of today would be a watershed in Ngige's life. It would decide whether he swims or drowns, whether he lives again or dies forever, politically. And the situation is not helped by the fact that there are so many sharks willing and ready to help drown or devour him.
One of such is Chief Chris Uba, Ngige's estranged political godfather, who helped in putting him in power. The governor's case is worsened by the open confession Uba made that the election was rigged in favour of Ngige.
The enormously wealthy Uba had December 21, 2004 in a public statement admitted the crime, but said he did it believing that all (means) was fair in war and as he regarded election as a military campaign. He had reportedly told President Olusegun Obasanjo and former Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) chairman, Chief Audu Ogbeh similar things when the duo, at separate times, attempted to reconcile them.
Ngige fell out of Uba's favour early in his tenure over differences on the composition of the state cabinet. The youthful godfather wanted to have more say on who becomes commissioner, and how the state is run, a move the new governor considered 'overbearing."
On July 10, 2003, barely two months in office, Ngige was abducted and the word put out that he had resigned as governor, while his then deputy informed the world that he had assumed office as the new governor.
The bizarre and daring move which was executed with the connivance of the police was, however, aborted.
But the harrassment of the governor continued. Between November 10 and 13, 2004 arsonists put fire to the governor's office and the office of his deputy while other state-owned structures and establishments including the state broadcasting station were also attacked and vandalised. Not spared also was the governor's lodge which was bombed.
Two weeks later, there was a clash between the entourage of the governor and Uba's.
These attacks were seen as a strategy to overawe Ngige with a view to making him grant vital concessions or even quitting. But the governor who had found new power brokers, would not be moved.
Following unsuccessful attempts to reconcile the duo, their party (PDP), expelled both of them on the recommendation of a panel headed by Osun State governor, Olagunsoye Oyinlola. However, the South-East zonal caucus of the party re-admitted Uba, confirming what has long been suspected as bias by the party hierarchy and indeed the presidency. Ngige was left in the cold.
Perceived as the underdog, it was not long before public sympathy shifted to Ngige's side. Moreso as the medical doctor-turned-politician began to do all the right populist things to endear him to the people.
Another thing that explains why the governor had survived the onslaught so far is the overtly pro-Ngige State House of Assembly that had resisted instigation to impeach or at least cause trouble for him.
But the lawmakers are powerless to save him, if today the ball passes into his goal post.
Today's judgement is thus no doubt a make or break thing. But why worry? Why worry when Quest cera cera (What would be would be). Caesar, afterall, was forewarned of his impending fate in Capitol. Yet he could not change the destined. If this philosophy of fatalism will make Ngige bear his cross better, why not, if not.